Chapter Fifty-Three: Another Day of Standing Around Like a Lackey

Having secured a place on the visit to the Soviet Union, Koman knew that it was George Bidault’s patronage. There was no need to think too deeply about the reason. It might have been because of Admiral Dragoon, or perhaps Bidault simply did not wish to take advantage of a minor for nothing and wanted to find an opportunity to repay the favor, thereby putting his mind at ease.

Koman was still deeply grateful for such courteous treatment. There had been no complicated scheming, yet before departing he sent Martin a telegram, asking him to continue investigating the crimes of the religious organizations.

He was always the one who lit the fire and then shifted the blame onto someone else. Under ordinary circumstances, he ought to have felt at least a little guilty. But time was pressing, and he did not have time to witness the entire process himself.

The trip to Moscow was arranged swiftly. It was George Bidault’s foremost diplomatic undertaking at present; by contrast, what he had gained in Italy was purely an unexpected delight.

Naturally, they would travel to Moscow by air. Given a choice, Koman certainly would not have taken a plane, but he had no choice.

He still had no idea when his current stage of standing around like a lackey at the age of eighteen would end. Koman dreamed of possessing power enough to cover the sky with one hand, but for now he could only keep his head down and play the subordinate, waiting for the day of his final leap upward.

“We must adopt a neutral posture and develop normal economic and trade relations between our countries,” George Bidault instructed the diplomats accompanying him, his face grave.

Koman sat two seats away and listened. He was not accustomed to flying, so he kept his mind occupied by letting his thoughts wander aimlessly.

Among the countries of Western Europe, France did indeed enjoy a brief period of neutrality. It lasted from 1945 until 1947, the two years before the implementation of the Marshall Plan.

Whether it was because the Soviet Union supported France’s bid for a permanent seat on the Security Council, or because of the economic complementarity between their traditional sources of raw materials, France really did withstand the pressure of Britain and the United States during that period and maintain normal economic and trade relations with the Soviet Union.

That brief neutrality eventually faded away amid the factional divisions of the Fourth Republic and the implementation of the Marshall Plan.

“Our colonies do not possess enough resources to provide the raw materials needed for postwar reconstruction.” At this, George Bidault remembered Koman’s earlier explanation and added, “Koman lived in Syria before. He knows the colonies very well.”

“That is indeed the case. The minister has grasped the matter with remarkable depth,” Koman replied at once when his name was mentioned.

Britain could rely on the resources of its colonies and dominions such as Canada to maintain the flow of raw materials. France could not.

Koman knew that the French colonies in Africa possessed iron ore and oil, but none of those resources had yet been discovered. Britain’s supplies of raw materials, meanwhile, were already readily available.

The Soviet Union’s exports of raw materials were therefore not irreplaceable to Britain, but the situation was different for France. Securing those imports was another major purpose of George Bidault’s visit.

Several hours later, the plane landed safely in Moscow. Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov led a delegation to welcome the party headed by George Bidault, and the two men clasped hands firmly.

Bidault believed that Moscow attached great importance to his arrival. They had even sent the country’s second-ranking figure to receive him. A thread of anticipation rose in his heart, and before long they reached the hotel where they would be staying.

“It seems the Soviet Union also needs France. Otherwise Molotov would not have come in person,” George Bidault said brightly.

Koman dearly wanted to remind the foreign minister that Molotov was not the Soviet Union’s second-ranking figure.

Molotov merely appeared frequently before other countries during the exceptional circumstances of wartime. In terms of real power, the Soviet Union’s true second-ranking figure should have been Beria—or perhaps Zhdanov.

By tradition in the Stalin era, important diplomatic visits were marked by a banquet at the Kremlin, where foreign guests were invited to dine and exchange views.

Sure enough, an invitation soon arrived from Moscow. Koman could be certain that the banquet would be lavish. Not the slightest sign of weakness from the Great Patriotic War would be allowed to show before the French.

“I would also like to inspect Moscow’s technical universities and purchase textbooks for every year of study.” Koman held the invitation without expressing an opinion. It was another day spent standing around like a lackey.

He was not worried about cultural differences. After the collapse of imperial Russia, the traditional cultural ties between France and the aristocracy of the Russian Empire had led many Russian nobles into exile in France.

Paris even had a district inhabited by Slavs. Koman had never gone to investigate it, but he could be certain that France was not short of people who knew Russian.

He still did not quite believe that the few famous universities produced by the American system—built by gathering talent from across the world, or at least from the entire developed-country camp—could monetize human ability as effectively as the Soviet educational system.

Would any officials from the education system appear at the evening banquet? Koman searched his memory, but found nothing at all. He did, however, remember Furtseva, who would become education minister roughly ten years later.

That evening, George Bidault led his party to the Kremlin for the banquet. As expected, no matter how hard the Soviet people struggled and labored, hardship would never be displayed in the Kremlin. The feast was extraordinarily sumptuous. After Stalin expressed his welcome, he handed responsibility for hosting the banquet to Molotov.

Koman followed an assigned interpreter with great reserve, asking about the origins and ingredients of the food. He was thoroughly enjoying himself; without his stomach, the trip would have been a wasted journey.

Even so, his appearance remained conspicuous. The French military dress uniform was simply too distinctive, especially the black cylindrical hat on his head, which constantly drew attention.

Koman had an extraordinarily youthful face, and he was the only person in Bidault’s party wearing a military uniform. More importantly, the information circulated by the Interior Ministry contained no mention of him.

Before long, two officers appeared beside him and began entertaining Koman in the spirit of gracious hosts.

“France has liberated its entire territory. That is certainly something worth celebrating.”

Koman glanced at the blue brims of the officers’ peaked caps. Interior Ministry personnel.

Without a moment’s hesitation, he replied, “East Prussia is already within reach. I believe it will soon become the Red Army’s spoils. Compared with the situation on the Eastern Front, the achievements on the Western Front are disappointing.”

His answer left one of the officers extremely astonished. The man replied solemnly, “The Allied nations are united. Germany will soon be defeated, and then we shall celebrate victory together.”

“The postwar world will belong to the United States and your Soviet Union.” Koman took a bite of dessert and spoke indifferently. “If there is anything you want to ask, ask directly. I intend to buy several sets of textbooks and inspect the educational systems of Moscow’s universities, to see what advantages the systems pursued by the Italian and French Communist Parties possess. That is all for now.”

Even if Koman said nothing, someone would follow him once he went out. He might as well be frank about his plans, and earn a reputation for openness in the process. Communists never concealed their objectives, and as a reactionary, neither would he.