Chapter 50: America Supports It Too

If a Franco-Italian community could be brought to fruition, it would set a clear precedent for the future European Communities.

Though not particularly talented, Korman had experienced the profound baptism of Modi the Great's school of grand victory, and he firmly believed the French government would gain even greater confidence in its future path of independence and self-reliance.

Lefebvre’s visit to Korman this time was not to report on any particular situation, but rather to bring along Martin, who had already completed his assignment. "I’ve barely just arrived in Turin, and you’re already off to Rome?"

"It’s all in service to the country," Korman replied indifferently. "You might as well continue following up on the investigation into the pedophilia issues within the Catholic clergy. After all, this is Lefebvre’s first time handling such a matter and he lacks experience, whereas we have already accumulated a fair amount in Paris."

"Well, what can I say? It’s not like you’d listen even if I did," Martin said, throwing up his hands in a gesture of resignation. "You always have your own ideas, and nobody can ever interfere. We comrades are the unlucky ones who have to help turn your visions into reality. Alain spends every day acting all mysterious in Paris, and here I am investigating religion—sigh. And I thought I was your friend, your best comrade."

"I'll write you a recommendation for a promotion," Korman said with a chuckle, though his gaze held not a shred of humor.

"Look at you, talking as if I only did it for that," Martin said, putting on a wounded expression while his mouth kept right on running. "When are you writing it? Don't get me wrong, only if we comrades hold higher military ranks will we be in a position to offer you greater assistance in the future. Don't you always say there is strength in numbers?"

"I've said so many things, and you only ever remember the parts that benefit you?" Korman massaged his temples in exasperation. "I heard you traded a crate of cigarettes for the company of two female college students. Quite the philanthropist, aren't you? Just don't try bringing that brand of tobacco down to Italy—it doesn't have much effect and is bound to cause trouble."

Martin’s family dealt in tobacco back in Damascus, so he found this sort of thing novel.

It wasn't that Korman opposed his comrades enjoying the perks of being part of a victorious nation; he merely objected to insufficient returns. If it were Germany after a defeat, those cigarettes would be worth considerably more.

The World War had exacted the heaviest toll on the Soviet Union and Germany. With Germany bombed from end to end until it resembled the surface of the moon, Martin's cigarettes would be worth hundreds of millions of fortunes by the time they reached that point.

By evening, Martin brought out a few bottles of wine, and the two of them sat down for a cozy drink together. "I never imagined cigarettes could buy the bodies of Italian students. War certainly brings about strange results."

"If we want to prevent war from breaking out again, there is no other way than to build a formidable military at all costs."

Korman said with a touch of drunkenness, "A powerful nation cannot rely solely on a strong military, but there is no denying that when most people in this world look at other countries, military might is the very first thing they see."

Korman didn't have a habitual craving for alcohol; feeling a bit dizzy, he simply turned in for the night, while Martin downed the remainder of his glass in one gulp before leaving.

By December, even Italy with its Mediterranean climate could hardly be called warm. Though Italy had not been reduced to absolute ruins like Germany, even the capital city of Rome was filled with desolation. Upon arriving in Rome, Korman even spotted several Italian young women walking arm-in-arm with soldiers in American military uniform.

Such scenes were common enough in France, so their presence in Italy was hardly surprising. Having no time to observe a real-life version of *Malèna*, Korman sat upright and straight-faced. After the car came to a stop upon reaching the embassy, he stepped out first and opened the door for Ambassador Demoville. Following a brief welcoming ceremony, the embassy immediately plunged into intense work.

Demoville was clearly unsatisfied with merely serving as the ambassador to Italy. Treating this post as a stepping stone and fully endorsing the Franco-Italian Community plan, he immediately shifted into work mode and promptly contacted the Italian Kingdom's Minister of Foreign Affairs, De Gasperi, who responded just as swiftly.

The reason for such a prompt response, in Korman's view, was largely due to the considerable presence of French troops on Italian soil, with Sardinia also firmly under French control.

The current dynamic between the two nations was asymmetrical. While France appeared somewhat weak when facing Britain and America, it assumed the position of a strong power when dealing with Italy.

De Gasperi wished to gauge France's diplomatic stance toward Italy—especially since Mussolini had indeed stabbed France in the back during the Battle of France, even if he had gained nothing from it save for utter humiliation.

Consequently, De Gasperi took the initiative to visit the French Embassy to welcome Demoville’s assumption of office, framing it as welcoming the first French ambassador since the De Gaulle provisional government.

Demoville possessed thick hair and wore glasses, yet he bore no scholarly demeanor; rather, his visage strongly resembled that of a political strongman. If he were to change into a military uniform, he would look even more like Mussolini than Mussolini himself.

After exchanging courteous handshakes, Demoville cut straight to the chase. "Germany's defeat is already a certainty; now it is merely a question of timing. I would like to discuss post-war matters."

De Gasperi pondered for a moment before retorting, "I heard that a *French State Program* was recently published in Paris? It seems intent on rallying the Latin nations to forge their own path."

De Gasperi did not know that the actual mastermind behind the *French State Program* was standing right beside Demoville. Without missing a beat, Demoville directly introduced him: "Korman is the author of the *French State Program*."

"Mr. De Gasperi," Korman greeted him politely with a touch of flattery. "You are currently in charge of the Italian Kingdom's diplomatic affairs. Since France and Italy are neighbors, our two countries share numerous issues and vast common interests."

"In what aspects?" De Gasperi asked with restrained stiffness. Although somewhat startled by Korman's youthful appearance, diplomacy was ultimately a game of bargaining.

"The most striking similarity between our two nations is the presence of two formidable pro-Soviet political factions within our borders," Korman said with a faint smile. "I spent some time in Turin and was deeply shocked by the rapid growth of the Italian Communist Party. The last time I was this shocked was in Marseille."

Demoville knew the real negotiations could now begin. "Mussolini is undoubtedly a war criminal, and the current Italian political arena lacks a strongman capable of keeping Togliatti in check. We have devised a plan to curb the Italian Communist Party, but we require esteemed Mr. De Gasperi to provide a similarly significant response—a response best manifested in the realization of European unity."

This proposal had been put forward by Korman. The first generation of post-war European politicians still yearned to reclaim Europe’s pre-war central narrative in world affairs. Even if they fell short of that ambition, they had no desire to become America's junior partners—which distinguished them starkly from the countless spiritually Americanized citizens found across European nations decades later.

De Gasperi, who would go on to become Italy's first post-war Prime Minister and was later hailed alongside Robert Schuman of France and Konrad Adenauer of Germany as one of the Founding Fathers of the European Union, did not issue a flat refusal. Clearly, he was weighing the pros and cons.

Korman promptly added fuel to the fire. "In truth, the United States is also supportive of this concept. After all, who would want their friends to do nothing but hold them back?"

During the early stages of the establishment of the European Communities, the United States was more than happy to see it happen; the Cold War was not merely a bilateral US-Soviet confrontation. As for eventually viewing European unity as a threat, that was a concern for at least two decades down the road.

Therefore, advancing the work of European integration now would garner American approval for France's plan, should Washington be made aware of it.

As for Britain—that other source of interference—it considered itself a superpower and an offshore balancer, entirely too proud to huddle together for warmth with continental European nations. That suited their plans all the better.

"If the United States truly holds a favorable attitude toward this matter, I am certainly willing to exert myself for it." Hearing that America shared this view, De Gasperi immediately shifted his tone into one of definitive affirmation.