Chapter Five: No One Understands Syria Better Than I Do

“Speak,” Bitar said, noticing the other’s hesitation. Though curious, he remained composed.

“One neighborhood can have two gangs, but one gang cannot have two leaders,” Koman said with a smile, glancing between Bitar and Afrak. “Don’t you think your roles conflict? Can one faction have two thinkers?”

“Lieutenant Koman, you’re sowing discord among comrades,” Afrak interrupted before Bitar could speak.

“Absolutely not,” Koman denied firmly. “I’m simply stating facts. Besides, since the Christians left, Mr. Afrak’s potential supporters have nearly vanished.”

Though harsh and somewhat unfair to Afrak, this was the reality.

In a future predominantly Muslim nation, the supreme leader adhered to Greek Orthodoxy?

About twenty years later, Afrak was eventually ousted and forced into exile in Iraq.

The Arab Socialist Renaissance Party in Iraq, long dissatisfied with the Damascus headquarters, seized Afrak’s exile as an opportunity to formally split from the Damascus-based party and establish the Iraqi Arab Socialist Renaissance Party.

Thus, the Arab Socialist Renaissance Party fractured into the right-wing Syrian faction led by Bitar’s ideology and the nominally left-wing Iraqi faction.

Afrak’s role in Iraq became largely symbolic; after the Iraqi party’s successful break from Damascus, he held a prestigious title but wielded no real power.

“Mr. Afrak, a party must have one leader, not two. Your views are overly idealistic, while Mr. Bitar’s thinking is grounded in Syria’s realities. I’m sure your interactions have revealed this to you,” Koman said calmly. “Having two thinkers in one party only breeds confusion and eventually internal strife.”

“We are friends with shared ideals; that won’t happen,” Bitar countered. “I even suspect, Lieutenant Koman, that you do not wish for a better future Syria.”

“Don’t be so quick to defend,” Koman said, patting his thigh as he emphasized his point. “Once, Trotsky and Stalin had a decent relationship, didn’t they? But it ended with Trotsky’s ice axe. I’m not saying you’ll come to that, quite the opposite—I want to prevent such a scenario. You can’t see the world solely through the lens of French colonialism; there are many other powers involved.”

“If your party has two thinkers, even if you control yourselves, can you manage others rallying supporters under religious banners?”

Seeing Bitar and Afrak fall silent, Koman shrugged. “I suppose you’ve considered that not everyone can be impartial. Moving the Christians reduced Syria’s population, but also avoided a major potential conflict, didn’t it? I suggest you two think carefully about your strengths and divide the work accordingly, rather than intensifying internal friction.”

Koman’s intentions were sincere, but from the others’ perspective, his goodwill might feel like an affront.

Yet, such matters are never perfect. Rather than self-destruct, it’s better to acknowledge the source of conflict. Afrak, historically a displaced exile, had the advantage of clarity in that regard—perhaps it was the wiser path.

Bitar opened his mouth, aware that Koman’s French representatives relocated the Christians to undermine Afrak’s base, but to hear it so openly voiced?

“You colonizers are always so arrogant, thinking you control everything,” Bitar said, defending Afrak.

“Perspective differs. Compared to those without a broad view like you, we truly can see the whole picture,” Koman replied calmly.

“For example, you built the Golan Heights defensive line, yet the British attacked from another direction,” Afrak sneered, still smarting from Koman’s earlier remarks. “Like the Maginot Line.”

“The Maginot Line was incomplete due to budget deficits but still served a purpose,” Koman was unfazed by the sarcasm. “As for the Golan Heights line, it was meticulously constructed by the Foreign Legion, complete with bunkers and tunnels. If Afrak says it’s useless, it will certainly prove its worth in time.”

Military matters were clearly beyond the expertise of these two social activists, or rather, thinkers.

The Golan Heights defenses were not prepared for a British attack but designed with the establishment of Israel in mind.

Syria’s Christian Maronites numbered just over a million; even adding Palestinians and some Iraqi Christians granted French citizenship for military service, the total was under two million.

This population base couldn’t produce 250,000 troops without severe depletion.

Only with the addition of Alawites, Druze, and a minority Sunni contingent did the French First Army form, fighting in North Africa and Italy.

After the war, the Alawites and Druze would return to Syria, and these veterans would become part of Syria’s military and police forces. Once Israel was established, these French First Army officers would test their combat experience from the world war.

From Koman’s viewpoint, Syria was an excellent colony, and under his plans, its territory might even expand to include Lebanon.

France could not have everything; it had to choose between protecting territory or population. Attempting both might yield nothing. Only in the exceptional circumstances of a world war could France accomplish what peacetime could not. Once the war ended, population transfers would be impossible.

The silence was broken by Martin’s footsteps approaching the church entrance. He bent close to Koman and whispered, “The Kurdish representatives have arrived.”

“Gentlemen, you may need some time to consider. Today’s meeting is adjourned,” Koman said with a smile as he politely dismissed the two social activists.

He bore no personal burden; he was merely conveying Free France’s policies. Unless unforeseen events occurred, the two sides would likely not meet again before the war’s end.