Chapter 49 If You Are Willing Not to Forsake Me

Winning over Italy is a mandatory option, and the window of opportunity is the two-year period before the Marshall Plan is proposed. As long as the Franco-Italian community is shaped and established prior to the enactment of the Marshall Plan, France will secure its dominant position in post-war Europe.

Currently, the institutional framework of the Kingdom of Italy is tottering, and its parliamentary system featuring multiple competing political parties is actually favorable to France.

Although Charles de Gaulle led France for a mere year or so during his first tenure, this period of political stability is more than enough. At least for the moment, the French political scene is exceptionally stable.

For now, one can only attempt to effect change within Italy. As for other places, Koman cannot even resolve the French Communist Party back in France.

Flexing his muscles in Marseille was merely a minor trial run under the guise of battle preparations. If he were to truly go head-to-head with the French Communist Party, how could a mere second lieutenant ever shoulder such a burden? Oh, he had even forgotten that back in Marseille, he was still a warrant officer.

Demeville initially just listened out of casual curiosity, but as he pondered along with Koman's words, he realized this was a remarkably sound strategy. No wonder he was hailed as an ultra-genius by General Dragon.

"The Christian Democracy is indeed an excellent vehicle. If I recall correctly, the current leader of the Christian Democracy happens to be the Minister of Foreign Affairs," Demeville muttered thoughtfully, suddenly realizing that there was a solid foundation for implementation.

The current Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom is Alcide De Gasperi. As the Foreign Minister within the coalition government, he is simultaneously the leader of the Christian Democracy.

As for his position within the coalition government of the Kingdom of Italy? Being the Minister of Foreign Affairs is certainly important, but can it be called the most crucial one?

Yet, upon second thought, given Koman's strategic blueprint, Alcide De Gasperi's current roles as Foreign Minister and leader of the Christian Democracy make him precisely the most suitable promoter for the Franco-Italian community plan on the Italian side. True to being a future French Prime Minister, Demeville instantly felt that this endeavor held immense promise.

Demeville found the prospect exceptionally appealing. He had been deeply impressed by Koman upon their very first meeting, and hearing that Koman was not even eighteen yet, it was clear that General Dragon had a worthy successor.

Having successfully won Demeville's approval, Koman was naturally in high spirits. He was merely a second lieutenant; while his rise had been remarkably swift among his peers, how could he possibly single-handedly drive a project as massive as the Franco-Italian community?

As for the American side, there should be little cause for concern. Roosevelt's failing health would prevent him from completing his shaping of the world order.

In Koman's era, there was a saying that Roosevelt was essentially Stalin without the bloodshed—taking down capitalists one by one with a single punch. Had he lived a few more years, the United States would undoubtedly have looked very different.

However, this was merely an unrealized hypothesis. Roosevelt living two more years would have done little to alter the descent of the Cold War, because by the final presidential election, a frail Roosevelt was already incapable of suppressing the capitalist counter-offensive. When Roosevelt implemented the New Deal, his Vice President was Henry Wallace.

Henry Wallace was also Roosevelt's favored successor, but during the final presidential election, his continued presence as Roosevelt's running mate for Vice President met with fierce opposition.

From the moment Truman became Roosevelt's Vice President, Roosevelt's grand design for the world order was destined to fail.

The United States did not officially enact the Marshall Plan to intervene in Europe until 1947, which was actually the result of fierce wrangling between the Democratic and Republican parties following Roosevelt's death.

The Republican Party opposed the Marshall Plan, while Henry Wallace opposed a falling-out with the Soviet Union. Truman's choice was to both pass the Marshall Plan and sever ties with the Soviets.

Just as the radio broadcasted the news that Allied forces had contained the German offensive in the Ardennes and would soon launch a counterattack, Lefebvre delivered an investigative report on Italian Catholic organizations, his face etched with shock as he said, "In the place closest to God, how can there be so many people blaspheming Him?"

"Very normal," Koman replied indifferently, treating the investigative report handed over by Lefebvre like a collection of short stories. He could read anything without difficulty; he could even breeze through cliché web novels about fake and real wealthy heiresses.

In their early stages, religions invariably emerged to fill the void of grassroots governance and instill a stable order. In the absence of religious institutions to fill this gap, Eastern societies typically relied on local gentry and clans.

Early Christianity also presented itself to Roman imperial persecutors through values of solidarity, charity, and mutual aid. Having withstood repeated heavy blows from the Roman Empire before ultimately succeeding, it undoubtedly enjoyed the support of the populace.

Yet even the children of God ultimately proved no match for the realities of class. Once Christianity achieved success, it became a story of the hero turning into a dragon. The very same evils perpetrated at the societal grassroots would naturally be committed by the church as well.

Tsk tsk... Koman was mentally prepared for cases of pederasty—bad people do not wear signs on their foreheads—but actually seeing the investigative report still brought a sneering expression to his face. "The place closest to God is indeed where ugliness is most thoroughly exposed."

"Sir, shall we move in and make arrests?" Lefebvre uttered these words with an almost impatient tone, demonstrating at least a neutral-good alignment.

"No, continue the investigation," Koman refused without a moment's hesitation. "Italy is a special case; the Vatican is right here. We cannot handle this directly and can only do what lies within our power."

While it is true that in modern society the Vatican is no longer an entity whose single word can determine life and death or spark a holy crusade,

it still felt overwhelmingly oppressive to a small fry like Koman. What if things eventually escalated into a direct showdown with the Pope? Unless he were the President of the French Fifth Republic or the lifetime dictator of the Third Empire, such a move would be out of the question.

Yet in front of his subordinates, Koman could hardly admit that he was intimidated, forcing him to deflect the responsibility outward. Previously, when he ordered the looting of the Turin Museum, they looted it; when he ordered technical engineers to be kidnapped to France, they kidnapped them.

Now, Koman turned around and suddenly began respecting Italy's sovereignty. "Demeville's arrival in Italy indicates that our nation has already recognized the status of the current Italian government. While I am extremely eager to uphold justice, the decision rests in Mr. Demeville's hands. Are we running a military government?"

A military government was naturally Koman's dream, but he certainly wouldn't voice it aloud. Besides, Demeville had just received his inspiration for the European Community from him; taking the blame for this was nothing—it was entirely reasonable and logical.

Koman's expression of forbearance successfully deceived Lefebvre, a subordinate yet unscarred by the harsh realities of society. Clinging to ideals of justice, Lefebvre could only sigh, "Is this world not supposed to be just?"

The moment those words left his mouth, Koman's gaze toward Lefebvre turned hazardous, as if he were looking at a Soviet Communist. The world was precisely as it should be.

"While we cannot make direct arrests, we can continue our investigation. When the time comes, we will hand the report over to the Italians, and I believe the victims will receive justice," Koman said with a seductive, persuasive tone. "Only when a scandal grows too massive to be concealed by any cover-up will true justice descend."

Having successfully manipulated Lefebvre into expanding the purge, Koman was summoned by Demeville the very next day to discuss the framework of the Franco-Italian semiconductor partnership. At the conclusion of the meeting, Demeville said, "I am planning to go to Rome to make contact with the Christian Democracy. If Koman has the inclination..."

Demeville felt that since this plan was built upon foundations laid by Koman, he ought to offer some reciprocation; otherwise, how would it differ from deceiving a minor? His conscience would simply not allow it.

"Thank you so much, Mr. Demeville." Were it not for his own father, Koman would surely have treated Demeville like a godfather. Even so, he still put on a look of humble gratitude, making Demeville feel entirely validated in his decision.