Chapter 48: The Franco-Italian Community

The COMECON system was essentially the Marshall Plan under the prerequisite of having no money, and Corman never felt that certain criticisms of the COMECON system were justified.

For instance, one common criticism of the COMECON system was that it forced smaller nations to abandon their independent industrial systems.

Corman wasn't being overly nitpicky about this criticism; as far as he could see, the only country with a truly independent industrial system seemed to be the Great Eastern Nation.

Originally, before the epidemic, people thought the United States was one as well, but after the Orange One suggested drinking disinfectant, everyone realized the U.S. hadn't been one for a long time, leaving only a single nation with an independent industrial system.

Given this reality, how could countries in Eastern Europe like Hungary or Czechoslovakia—with such small markets and populations—possibly retain a so-called independent industrial system?

Hugging together for warmth was the right approach, but it mattered greatly with whom one huddled. Britain certainly wouldn't do; that country indeed had a special relationship with the United States and could easily be hijacked by the Atlanticist faction at any moment, making it completely untrustworthy.

Although Germany had a much clearer head, it would surely lack military sovereignty after the war, and its geographic position was so vital that the United States would never let go; if real trouble arose, Germany wouldn't be able to offer any help.

Returning to the Latin Alliance seemed much more appropriate. The strength of the Italian Communist Party was a double-edged sword, but if handled well, it might even yield benefits.

As for the conditions of other Latin nations, Corman found them satisfactory as well. Spain, under Franco's leadership, remained a non-NATO member for a long time, while Portugal was a colonial empire that held out until the very end, both of which could be utilized by France.

This ensured that France's rear would not be infiltrated by NATO for the time being. Besides Italy, Romania was another Latin-culture country in Eastern Europe that could be looked to as a promising source of support.

All in all, compared to countries like Britain, Denmark, and the Netherlands, European nations with Latin cultures still retained a degree of independence and self-reliance.

De Gaulle had dispatched Maurice Couve de Murville as the ambassador to Italy, though the official appointment would not take effect until after the New Year. However, De Murville was permitted to arrive in Italy ahead of schedule to gather local intelligence and, under the protection of the French occupation forces, investigate the current political landscape of Italy.

Before leaving Paris, De Murville was already aware of the Youth Division's activities in Italy. Since his ambassadorial position had not yet been formally appointed, he traveled directly to the Piedmont French occupation zone because he had heard prior to his arrival that General Dragon's son was in charge of operations there.

When Corman met De Murville, he knew immediately that this must be the overall coordinator of France's post-war strategy toward Italy—in other words, someone akin to a commissioner of an occupied zone.

"Corman, the genius?" De Murville still carried the dust of travel on him, looking with great curiosity at the young soldier before him. General Dragon was usually a man of few words, but his praise for this boy had always been an exception.

A genius? Corman felt a little embarrassed; it wasn't quite as grandiose as General Fontaine calling him "Corman the First."

He remembered De Murville as a post-war prime minister of some term, though there were so many French prime ministers that Corman couldn't quite keep track. "Mr. Ambassador, I am here to report on the progress of our current work."

As a mere second lieutenant, he couldn't make final, decisive calls, but De Murville's status was by no means low; the position of ambassador could greatly propel the implementation of France's strategy toward Italy.

This was no time for selfishness; Corman didn't mind sharing the joy of success with others. De Murville could act as the ambassador while Corman executed the plans—that arrangement suited him fine.

"The current commonality between France and Italy is that both countries harbor two powerful pro-Soviet political parties, and Thorez and Togliatti share a similarity as well: both lived in Moscow for extended periods and have only recently returned home," Corman spoke fluently. "Italy is not an ordinary defeated nation; we certainly cannot treat it the way we treat Germany, and hatred between us is not the mainstream sentiment."

Although Corman had already carved off a small sliver of Italian territory, he believed this would not become the primary conflict between future France and Italy. The reason was simple: Yugoslavia would also occupy Italian territory, and on a much larger scale than the land occupied by France.

It was much like the Soviet Union occupying eastern Germany and then handing land over to Poland; even if France occupied the Saarland, as long as the area remained small, the Germans would still focus their hatred on the Soviet Union.

The Saarland was only a little over five thousand square kilometers, whereas the Soviet Union occupied half of Germany. If one included the land given to Poland, the Soviet occupation zone was roughly equal in size to the combined zones of Britain, the US, and France; how could the Germans possibly remain indifferent?

As long as one wasn't the absolute worst during a contest of who was worse, neither Germany nor Italy would ultimately hold a grudge against France.

Listening to Corman's analysis of the situation, De Murville nodded and said, "It seems you have already done a considerable amount of work, and I can sense that you have a plan, but your rank has prevented you from putting it into action."

"Yes, my father told me to be willing to share success."

Corman puffed out his chest to enhance his credibility. "Italy is the nation France should rope in most of all, because France's overseas territories are concentrated in Africa, and Italy's geographical position is equally vital to France. Although we may experience competition with the United States, there is no helping that; even the best of allies engage in mutual scheming."

De Murville, of course, was well aware of this. What surprised him was that someone of Corman's age could see through such issues with such profound clarity. It completely made sense why General Dragon, aside from official military conferences, had no other topic of conversation in private besides this child; he was indeed a source of pride.

"The Italian political scene is chaotic right now, and voices calling for an end to the monarchy are quite loud. Personally, I favor the Christian Democracy. Although the Italian Communist Party currently holds the greatest strength, we must also recognize that their environment is similar to that of the French Communist Party—their support rate is very high, but they are incapable of overseeing the bigger picture."

Having received De Murville's praise, Corman poured out all the thoughts he held in his heart. "After all, Italy has been the center of Catholicism for centuries; believers in God outnumber atheists, which aligns with the philosophy of the Christian Democracy. Therefore, after consolidation, the Christian Democracy is likely to rule Italy for the long term. Right now, the Christian Democracy lacks strong forces, and France should be the first to place its chips on this party. Of course, we cannot help for free; the Christian Democracy must give us something in return."

"It appears you are very clear on what should be extracted from Italy." De Murville gave Corman a deep, searching look. It was almost a pity the young man was a soldier; he would likely find it even easier to benefit society in the political arena.

"Of course. Taking advantage of this opportunity, we should prompt the Christian Democracy government to establish a joint community with France under a supranational framework. Once we set this precedent, we can apply it to other nations in the future," Corman said, bringing up the concept of the European Coal and Steel Community.

The concept of the European Community would be proposed in 1950, and it was a brilliant concept entirely worthy of being brought to light ahead of time.

Although both Italy and France were currently scarred and battered, with large parts of Italy still under German occupation, none of that was most important. What mattered most was that this concept must emerge early; with the precedent of a Franco-Italian Community, persuading other nations would become vastly easier.

De Murville remained silent for a long time after listening, the shock in his heart self-evident. He had originally thought Corman was merely there to assist him.