Chapter 44 Koman, the Internationalist Fighter

"Why are you telling me this?" Antonio asked, looking somewhat puzzled, unable to understand why this French soldier was acting so strangely.

"I have a certain sympathy for you people," Koman replied smoothly, without the slightest hesitation. "We are all Latin-speaking nations after all. Wars eventually come to an end, and we will remain neighbors for a long time to come."

Koman even admired himself for having the potential of a saint. In reality, this was simply driven by the comforting appeal of Italian cuisine, and the payback for Italy's backstabbing during the Battle of France was now being returned in full.

Yet, to Antonio's ears, the words carried profound meaning. He even suspected that the military officer before him was a deep-cover operative swimming in the treacherous waters of capitalism.

"Let's get the textile industry back on its feet first," Koman said, adopting a tone of one of their own, which further deepened Antonio's misconception. "We can also help you. This is the extent of my limited assistance; given my rank and position, there is not much more I can do."

"Thank you, Comrade Koman." By this point, Antonio had firmly regarded Koman as an internationalist fighter from France, which was precisely what Koman had hoped to achieve.

Having revealed this alternative persona and seen off the Italian Communist Party cadre, Koman turned back toward the headquarters with a triumphant expression on his face, saluted his direct superior, Celt, and reported, "Sent him on his way, Major."

Celt breathed a sigh of relief and uttered a sentiment that was readily acknowledged by the officers present, "The influence of the Soviet Union has already penetrated every corner of Europe. It is truly terrifying."

Indeed, Koman knew this was far from being杞人忧天 (needless worry). The Italian Communist Party boasted a membership of two million, several times that of the French Communist Party—especially considering Italy's population was actually smaller than France's.

It was hardly surprising, then, that the United States had stepped in to consolidate all non-communist political forces in Italy, cobbling together the Christian Democracy party.

During the Cold War, Italy was effectively a one-party state, similar to Japan yet distinct in its own way. Japan's Liberal Democratic Party was forged through the internal struggles and ultimate compromise between the Hatoyama family and other political factions. Even without the establishment of the 1955 system, the Japan Communist Party would have found it difficult to come to power.

If Italy had not undergone such consolidation, the strength of the Italian Communist Party might well have propelled it into power through general elections.

Celt had originally come to headquarters to discuss measures for dealing with criminal offenses committed by French troops, but having been waylaid by the Italian Communist Party's demands for accountability, he finally returned to the main agenda.

"What atrocities?" Koman had been so preoccupied with legalised pillaging that he had paid no attention to the isolated, marginal, non-systemic, and massive individual instances of so-called outrages. He initially assumed it had something to do with competing with Bokassa for cultural artifacts.

Celt did not hide the matter from his subordinate and stated directly, "Some Italian women claim they were raped. The Italian Communist Party probably doesn't know yet, or they would have brought it up just now."

It seemed the Italian Communist Party was also prioritizing major issues over minor ones and had not yet heard the widespread cries of the people!

Hearing this, Koman breathed a sigh of relief. "Is that all? Just put masks on the soldiers involved, tie them up, parade them through the streets, and then ship them back home to be reassigned to other units."

Isn't that exactly what the United States did in Japan and South Korea? Moreover, this was wartime, and Koman's punishment was actually stricter—they were even being paraded through the streets.

Was such a minor matter worth mentioning? In times of war, rape was perhaps the least noteworthy crime. Why was it always featured so prominently in various films and dramas? Because it was the only wartime atrocity that could pass censorship and be readily accepted by the general public.

"That is indeed a good method to quickly quell the discontent in the occupied zone," Celt nodded. Since they were already being paraded through the streets, what more could be asked?

The Youth Division inherently functioned as military police; in other words, it had the authority to restrain the conduct of French troops abroad. However, because such measures were unnecessary within France itself, they had only encountered this issue upon arriving in Italy.

Back in Aosta Valley, Koman had strictly enforced French military discipline because Aosta Valley had already been recognized as part of French territory, meaning lawlessness could certainly not be tolerated.

However, Koman and the two battalions of the Antioch Regiment had remained stationed in Aosta Valley, focusing solely on the referendum while leaving the French troops in other occupied zones to their own devices. Only now were they truly assuming their military police responsibilities.

Those French soldiers were simply unfortunate, serving as sacrificial lambs for the occupation forces' newly found strict military discipline. Such an embarrassing spectacle was certainly not something Koman wanted to handle personally, so he assigned Lefebvre to supervise the task.

"Actually, the punishment for the soldiers involved isn't overly harsh. The most severe penalty is the public parade, marching through all the main streets of Turin to ensure as many Turin citizens as possible witness it."

Having arranged Lefebvre's assignment, Koman took personal charge of transporting the looted wealth from Turin back to the mainland—that was the priority.

On the streets of Turin, the parade showcasing the honor of the French military had already begun. Under Lefebvre's explanation that this was an exhibition of utter shame, the soldiers involved managed to muddle through, albeit reluctantly.

The crowds on the streets grew denser by the moment. Some began to hurl curses, some wept, while others simply watched in silent fury.

"They broke into the apartment in the San Salvario district last night," a young woman told the person beside her, her voice trembling. "My sister is still in the hospital."

The soldiers of the Antioch Regiment made no move to stop the angry citizens. In truth, the parade itself was tacitly permitted—the French occupying forces were desperate to prove to the Italians that they defended their honor and would punish the scoundrels within their own ranks.

Regardless of the approach taken to handle such matters, even if the punishment was remarkably light, doing nothing at all was entirely out of the question.

The citizens of Turin likely knew they were being placated with a superficial gesture, but Koman could not afford to forgo even the pretense of placation.

Concurrently with the parade, Koman maintained contact with Antonio while gathering intelligence on the Italian Communist Party, keen to gauge their level of public support.

Because General Delagrange's First Army still had elements resting in southern Italy, Koman possessed a fair understanding of the situation: support for the Italian Communist Party was stronger in the south than in the north, much like the economic divide where southern Italy was poorer and the north was wealthier.

Meanwhile, the main ally of the Allied powers in southern Italy was the Italian Mafia—a classic case of picking the tallest dwarf in a crowd simply because no other options could be found.

While the Italian Mafia sounded formidable on paper, during Mussolini's reign, there was no need even for the regular Italian army; the fascist paramilitary Blackshirts had effectively squeezed the Italian Mafia out of existence. This served to demonstrate just how vulnerable the self-proclaimed pinnacle of global organized crime truly was in the face of absolute state power.

"We have already initiated the restart of the textile industry," Antonio said after several days, having gradually established a degree of trust in Koman and concluded that this French officer was a true comrade.

Koman offered all the practical advice he could muster, pacifying his counterpart with apparent sincerity. He helped maintain stability around the textile mills and fostered a secure working environment, treating the Italian Communist Party far better than he would have treated the French communists. Even the most steadfast internationalist fighter would have been hard-pressed to find fault with his conduct.

Koman had never once considered dismantling Italy's textile industry. The only nations capable of selling clothing, shoes, and hats at premium prices were France and Italy, and once products reached that stratosphere, they had long transcended the textile industry itself.

France and Italy were essentially collecting a "stupidity tax." Since the textile industry was a foundational stepping stone of the industrial revolution, Koman knew he could never halt its revival, so he might as well be magnanimous and lend a helping hand.

While assisting the Italian Communist Party, he also accelerated the transport of the plundered wealth out of the region and seized the opportunity to contact Martin in Genoa, where operations were proceeding quite smoothly.

"We have decided to hold a major assembly in a few days, attended by senior cadres," Antonio informed Koman, adopting a probing tone.

"May I attend?" Koman asked without dodging the probe, his actions reflecting a clear and untroubled conscience. "You must realize that relations within the Allied coalition are currently quite complex. A mobilization-style assembly like this will undoubtedly draw the scrutiny of the Allied powers. If I attend, the benefits will far outweigh the risks."