Chapter Thirty-Five: The Marseille Riots

"See to it that the Volunteers are disarmed today; keep a close watch and make sure nothing goes wrong." Koman waved his hand, unwilling to waste time debating who was corrupting whom.

"Fine, I'll go keep an eye on things. It's so much freer here compared to the constant caution needed in Paris," Martin grumbled, walking out of the interrogation room without looking back.

Koman shrugged. Paris was full of high-ranking figures, after all. Marseille offered far fewer restrictions, allowing for a less rigid approach to business.

By now, Marseille was under military administration. Major roads leading out of the city were blockaded by the French army, with large numbers of soldiers and police armed with live ammunition, inspecting every vehicle to prevent target individuals from fleeing.

Meanwhile, the Antioch Regiment marched straight to the headquarters of the French Volunteers, cordoning off the surrounding residential areas and cutting off all external communication and food supplies.

"We are all Frenchmen. While I may not entirely agree with your ideology, I will try my best to avoid using force to resolve this," Koman said, sitting before Vincent Voulant. He spoke softly to the French Communist Party activist, "This is all for the sake of national stability."

"You weren't so formidable against the Germans, yet you are remarkably sharp and decisive when it comes to your own people," Voulant retorted with a sneer, his every expression radiating distrust.

Koman didn't bother with small talk. He pulled out the Bill for the Nationalization of the Armed Forces, placed it before Voulant, and said with a chuckle, "I always act according to the law."

Voulant picked up the bill, refusing to believe the words of a reactionary. "Impossible. We have never heard of this."

"That is because it hasn't been officially announced yet," Koman replied, reflecting for a moment. "I expect it was finalized when the British delegation visited Paris. Believe it or not, your leader, Thorez, has already agreed to it. To have a leader who spent years in exile in Moscow—and you still have the nerve to question the First Army's resolve to defend the nation? That is quite amusing."

Koman made no effort to hide his mockery of the top leadership of the French Communist Party. They had spent almost the entire duration of the war in Moscow, yet they questioned his loyalty to France? Was there not something wrong with that?

As for Voulant, the prominent activist now trapped in custody, Koman had no intention of framing him for crimes he didn't commit; he knew better than Voulant himself that the man was innocent.

Historically, the operation in Marseille was not supposed to begin for another two years. But the environment had changed. In the world Koman remembered, France had not launched a massive offensive against Italy at the end of the war, instead coasting to the finish line just like the other Western nations.

However, France now intended to occupy Italian territory. Consequently, there was no need to keep Marseille—a revolutionary sanctuary that rivaled Paris—as a hotbed of dissent; a stable rear was required for the upcoming military campaign.

Beyond the temporary loss of freedom, Voulant had lost nothing. He was well-fed and treated with courtesy, as were the other Marseille Communist leaders, such as Christophere and Feder.

Taking advantage of the confinement of the local Communist leadership, the Antioch Regiment blocked the areas where the Volunteers operated, dismantling the armed groups under the banner of military nationalization.

Koman had been labeled a "reactionary" more than once in recent days, and being cursed at was routine. But he never dreamed that Christophere would actually attempt to win him over to their side. Did he really look like a man of such weak conviction?

Christophere’s attempt to subvert him triggered Koman’s desire to show off his rhetorical prowess. He tapped the table for the umpteenth time and retorted, "I’ll ask you this: does the French Communist Party support independence for the African colonies? Stop dodging my question. The Soviet Union has twenty-two million square kilometers of land; does France have that?"

"We possess the best farmland in Europe," Christophere stammered, "and we can engage in international trade."

"The best farmland in Europe, perhaps, but the mainland has no resources to speak of."

Koman wore an expression that suggested the very idea of subverting him was laughable. "Revolution requires bloodshed. Are you all prepared to sacrifice two million people? Every time Paris or Marseille acts up, you people and your endless ambitions insist on changing the government for all of France. Every revolution brings massive losses to the nation. There were only seven prisoners in the Bastille when it was stormed, yet it threw the whole country into chaos. We had another revolution during the Franco-Prussian War. Every revolution leaves our country further behind the British. I am not against revolution, but what country is as obsessed with constant revolution as France? Is the flower of freedom meant to be watered solely by the blood of the French people?"

In the eyes of Voulant and Christophere, Koman was a reactionary with a mind full of regressive thoughts. They had no idea that this man—who considered himself a reactionary's son and a scoundrel—actually held a Communist Party membership card himself.

Three days later, Martin reappeared, his expression grave. "We have disarmed the Volunteers. However, there are reports that the few Communist leaders in Marseille who weren't detained are organizing protest marches."

"No matter, we have a contingency plan," Koman said with a chuckle. "A nation as obsessed with revolution as ours has gained plenty of experience. If the military uses force, it creates a major problem, but we can handle it using the 'colonial method.'"

The so-called colonial method involved the use of batons, which the colonial police always kept at the ready. French colonial policy differed from the British in that the threshold for using military suppression was lower, but they were no strangers to the truncheon.

Taking the baton Martin handed him, Koman whipped it through the air twice, satisfied by the sharp whistle it made. "Get some good rest today. Tomorrow, we’re going to teach the citizens of Marseille a lesson in perspective."

Resistance to the government was nothing more than armed riots and protest marches. With the leadership of the Communist Party and the Volunteers decisively neutralized and their weapons seized, the mission was a success. Despite the lingering intimidation of the 75mm field guns, the protests remained the only tool the Communists had left.

Taking advantage of the fact that the Communist Party's approval ratings were not yet at their peak, Koman aimed to restore calm to Marseille.

Indeed, this was not the height of their popularity. Historically, the French and Italian Communist parties reached their peak after the fall of Berlin in 1945, when the French Communists held over forty percent support. Currently, it was less than thirty percent.

By nightfall, Koman was still drafting his plan to suppress the protests, requesting support from the French military command near City Hall. Major General Raphael gave his approval and allocated military vehicles for the Youth Division's use.

The next day, as the sun rose, Marseille was in an uproar. The Marseille General Confederation of Labor called for a strike in protest of the detention of Voulant, Christophere, and Feder, demanding their release.

The streets were packed. Protesters carried red banners, marching in a cadence resembling a military step, calling on the citizens of Marseille to join them. The crowd swelled, moving toward City Hall.

"Everything today is a rehearsal for the future. We are guarding this nation," Koman shouted to his assembled comrades in Arabic. "The situation may become chaotic. Speak to each other in Arabic so they won't understand. Now, get in the vehicles."