Chapter Seventeen: Winning Over the Civil Officials

Of course, before all that, an investigation must be conducted. Since Chanel’s background is being personally overseen by him, there’s no need for others to look into it; this will undoubtedly take some time.

There is also another crucial matter. Although postwar France frequently changed governments due to the Algerian conflict and the nature of its parliamentary system, it was not, as some Americans believed, a semi-military government.

This misconception was merely propaganda born in the 1960s when de Gaulle pressured the United States over its gold reserves.

Therefore, the purge of French collaborators could not be entirely led by the military. In fact, it was precisely this way: the judicial purification committee was co-led by a civilian department.

From General Duval, Coman received an opportunity to meet the Secretary-General of the French Prime Minister’s Office. The Secretary-General there held a role comparable to the British Cabinet Secretary, though with some differences.

The British Parliament resembles the American system, and though third-party governments have occasionally emerged, it is essentially a two-party state.

The position of the British Cabinet Secretary is very stable, serving as a key counterbalance to elected officials for long periods. Several have held the position for extended terms, concurrently serving as head civil servants and chief secretaries of the Treasury — this is how their supreme authority was established.

The British civil service evolved organically, whereas France’s political system was born of revolution. Compared to Britain, the French Revolution was more thorough, leading to a parliament rife with factions, making France a predecessor to countries like Japan and Italy that frequently change governments.

Thus, while the French Secretary-General of the Prime Minister’s Office wields power similar to the British Cabinet Secretary, their tenure is tied to the government’s turnover.

Given the rapid pace of governmental changes in France, completing a full term of four years is rare; even two years is a considerable stretch.

Currently, during wartime, the military holds more power than in peace, but once the war ends, a normal country will not rely excessively on the military and will sooner or later restore regular governance. It’s better for Coman to take the initiative to make a friendly approach than to wait for others.

France is in a special period now. The most recent prime minister was Fernand de Brinon of Vichy France, who, as head of the Vichy government, naturally faces reckoning.

At present, if one speaks of the prime minister, it is actually Charles de Gaulle himself. With the prime minister’s post vacant, the civilian Secretary-General of the Prime Minister’s Office can exercise all the prime minister’s powers.

This is a favorable opportunity—at least Coman thought so. He was truly reluctant to deal with elected politicians; who can say what kind of public will they represent?

The current Secretary-General is Henri Frenay, leader of the French Resistance, appointed to oversee internal affairs after the liberation of Paris. At this moment, the leader of France was de Gaulle himself, making Frenay effectively the prime minister.

Though it was uncertain if this French version of the supreme authority would transition from a civil servant to a politician, he was diligently managing France’s postwar reconstruction.

When Coman’s unit began collecting evidence to determine whether Chanel was a French collaborator, he appeared before Henri Frenay. Given the French forces’ presence from the Mediterranean, Frenay made an exception to meet a warrant officer.

“Coman, you’re young, coming here under your father’s name—is that appropriate?” Despite wartime, Henri Frenay was dressed neatly and scrutinized the unexpected visitor. “You should know Paris was just liberated and some regions remain occupied by the Germans. I’m very busy.”

“Busy with reconstruction and resettling refugees? Honorable Secretary-General, that is indeed important, but my purpose is equally vital.”

Coman did not directly respond to the skepticism. In any field, timing is crucial; as the saying goes, give a pig a million years, and it will become an immortal in the mundane world.

The British Whitehall leadership is an internal inheritance, building authority over time. In contrast, the French political system is volatile—Henri Frenay serving two years as Secretary-General is already considered long.

Who lasts longer? Upon reflection, it seemed only the military, dressed uniformly, could endure eternally.

Frenay showed a flicker of interest. “You seem quite versed in internal affairs? Do you think reconstruction is simple?”

“I think we could take a page from the Soviet Union, which the French Communist Party greatly admires, and implement a five-year plan to rapidly complete postwar reconstruction. Although that’s not why I’m here today, consider it a suggestion.”

Without hesitation, Coman answered. France had indeed implemented five-year plans, more than one in fact.

France’s first five-year plan saw industrial growth of about fifty percent, with coal and steel production restored to prewar levels.

However, this plan only began in 1947. Could France not manage Soviet-style reconstruction amid ongoing conflict? Did it lack the resources?

“A five-year plan?” Henri Frenay mumbled, as if the term belonged exclusively to the Soviet Union. “Isn’t that too closely tied to the Soviets?”

“It could be renamed or adapted,” Coman replied, shifting to the main point. “Honorable Secretary-General, may I now request your assistance? The earlier suggestion aside, I have a more urgent proposal and hope to receive feedback to foster harmony between the military and civilian authorities.”

France has its own administrative system. Although elections are currently a mere formality, the civil service has been restored. Decisions regarding the plunder of Germany must be made by civilians first, giving proper cause before the military acts.

France’s mainland was occupied for four years, meaning it lacked full capacity in this highest form of comprehensive national power. Naturally, it couldn’t compare to nations fully engaged in the war effort.

Though France’s postwar development was not slow—indeed faster than that of its long-suspect ally Britain—it could certainly be accelerated.

At this moment, a comprehensive plan could be formulated to recover losses from a defeated Germany.

Less than a month after the liberation of Paris, Henri Frenay was overwhelmed with domestic affairs, leaving little time to consider how to exploit Germany.

Yet he simply hadn’t thought of it before; when someone proposed such an idea, he immediately recognized its merit.

Faced with Coman’s two sincere and practical proposals, Henri Frenay no longer regarded the warrant officer as a frivolous visitor.

“You said you need a return,” Frenay remarked appreciatively. “Now you may reveal your true purpose. Are you here on behalf of your father, or someone else?”

“We hope to guarantee the rights of all soldiers who fought for the country,” Coman declared, his collectivist spirit surging. “After all, we are a nation where ten-year-old boys can take the battlefield, and even five-year-olds contribute to the war effort.”